A call for an amicable divorce


The moving commemorations of the centenary of the start of the Battle of the Somme remind us of the savage depths that human conflict can plumb and the courage of those who lived through such times. Against this backdrop, some of the struggles in our current politics rightly seem trivial by comparison. As we remember the past today, though, this can give helpful pause for thought about how we manage these conflicts in the coming weeks and months.

There is no doubt about the powerful and painful emotions that the current conflict within Labour have unleashed. These will be felt particularly acutely by the Labour leadership and PLP who are at the centre of the storm, as well as journalists and commentators who receive strident attacks for any position they take on this. The emotions are amplified still further through social media in which there are always enough characters to insert a four-letter word but never enough for a nuanced argument.

Amidst this turmoil, it is worth pausing to reflect on what this conflict is about. This is not made easy by the polarised language that has become all too widespread in which the PLP are cast as traitors and anti-democratic and Momentum as nothing but a fanatical insurgency. Such ways of talking are reminiscent of a divorcing couple who need continually to rehearse the failings of their partner in order to find the emotional impetus for separation. But they obscure more complex realities. I disagree strongly with people in my local CLP who are committed supporters of the Corbynist turn in the Party. But I also recognise them as people who are deeply committed to values that I share and whose work for equality, care and tolerance in my local community I greatly respect.

So what is it that is tearing us apart? It is not the issue of opposition to austerity, despite the claims that were made for this as a distinctively Corbynist position in the leadership election campaign last year. The broad principle of addressing our on-going social and economic crisis through public infrastructural investment and a re-balancing of the economy has been well expressed by John McDonnell. But these principles are shared by a broad range of political progressives, including Vince Cable and Chuka Umunna, and supporting a struggling economy through investment rather than reliance on austerity was a central element in Alistair Darling’s response to the 2008 banking crisis. John McDonnell’s new fiscal rule of balancing the Government’s current account spending would also inevitably mean difficult decisions would have to be made about what forms of Government day-to-day spending would be prioritised over others within limited means.

On many policy issues, in fact, with the exception of foreign policy and defence, there is probably much in common between the two sides of Labour that are currently tearing themselves apart.

What is at stake though is not a specific policy agenda, but a more fundamental vision of the kind of political party that Labour should be. On the one hand, the majority of the PLP and their supporters, retain the aspiration of a majority Labour Government structured around a credible PLP able to draw support from a wide range of voters. On the other, there is the Corbynist vision of a political movement grounded in radical, participatory democracy which maintains an authentic socialist option in British politics even if this cannot achieve majority electoral support. To its critics, the failures of the PLP’s stance are writ large in the legacy of a war in Iraq in which a Parliamentary Party ignored its grassroots base to pursue a disastrous course of action. Critics of the Corbynist vision will argue that a Party shaped by the pre-occupations of a left-wing activist base risks becoming a narrow sectarian movement, intolerant of political opponents and detached from the real problems of policy-making. Both sets of criticisms are worth reflecting on.

It is these ultimately irreconcilable visions of the future of the Party that underpin the current ferocity of its internal conflict. The PLP and its supporters are terrified of the prospect of a permanently unelectable Party, no longer able to exert any meaningful influence during a crucial period of our national politics. Supporters of Jeremy Corbyn are equally dismayed at the prospect of losing a Party that has, for many of them, finally become a political movement with which they feel their deepest convictions are expressed.

The conflict will persist if we continue to think that only one of these political options can emerge out of the current Party. If both sides struggle to retain control of the name ‘Labour’, then this really is a zero-sum game in which a final resolution will come after much more energy and pain has been expended as one side achieves a deeply bruising internal political victory over the other. But if the struggle now is really over the Labour ‘brand’, the wider country will rightly judge the Party harshly over its self-indulgence in fighting over issues of political identity and organisational structure when far more urgent problems are at hand.

The solution, it seems clear now, must be to accept that these irreconcilable political projects need to find separate organisational structures. Managing this divorce constructively will require leadership and maturity from both sides, and the willingness to accept the losses that this will inevitably entail. But like any divorce, the way in which it is conducted will profoundly shape future relationships. From my side of that divide, I want a political future in which collaboration is still possible with those who support the Corbynist project on the many issues that we both care about, not for these relationships to be poisoned for years by on-going rancour. My hope is that those charged with the immensely difficult challenge of working these issues through can find the vision, generosity and boldness to make this possible.

Gordon Lynch

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